William Ruto’s Christian faith has been a cornerstone of his personal life and political journey
William Ruto, who became president of Kenya two years ago riding on the crest of the Christian vote, is visibly shocked to find that church leaders of all faiths have lost confidence in him in recent months – seeing him less as a savior and more like a savior. like the greedy Biblical tax collector.
In the run-up to his victory, some of his most fervent evangelical supporters had dubbed him “David,” after the shepherd boy in the Bible who rose to become king.
The opposition had dubbed him “Vicar Jesus” and accused him of using Christianity to gain political capital while attending church services, from Catholic masses to gatherings of obscure sects.
He wore the appropriate religious attire for every occasion, sometimes kneeling in supplication and sometimes being moved to tears by sermons.
He then gave God the credit for his electoral success and continued this practice of criss-crossing the country visiting a different church every Sunday.
But after massive backlash against the tax increases imposed by his government, the 57-year-old was given a new nickname: “Zakayo” – which is Swahili for Zacchaeus, the wealthy and unpopular tax collector from Jericho who appears in the Bible.
The president has always maintained that if people want better public services and a reduction in the country’s debt burden, they should pay up.
In the past two years, taxes on salaries have increased, sales tax on fuel has doubled and people are also paying a new housing tax and a health insurance tax that will benefit many Kenyans.
When major anti-tax protests broke out in June, the young people leading them, popularly called Gen Zs, also called out churches for being too close to politicians and allowing them to preach from their pulpits.
Their anger forced the government’s hand to withdraw a controversial funding bill that included more tax increases – and it woke up the churches, whose clerics began to openly criticize Ruto and his policies.
This was another momentous development, as the faith economy is big business in a country where more than 80% of the population is Christian – and fundraising with the right politician can vastly improve a church’s fortunes.
Last month, Teresia Wairimu, founder of Faith Evangelistic Ministries (Fem), a church in the capital Nairobi where Ruto and his family regularly worship, suggested that their King David return to the field where sheep grazed.
“As a voter, I am ashamed,” she said in her sermon.
Another sermon by Rev. Tony Kiama of the River of God Church recently went viral after he called on the Ruto government to “serve not God’s purpose but an evil purpose,” citing the killings during the recent protests, the rising cost of living and daily life. corruption.
The strongest criticism was last week’s statement from Catholic bishops, who carry more weight because of the respect and influence they command in Kenya.
They accused Ruto’s government of perpetuating a “culture of lies”, citing unfulfilled campaign promises.
“Basically it seems that the truth does not exist, and if it does, it is only what the government says,” said the Kenyan Conference of Catholic Bishops, which also highlighted the corruption, greed and overtaxation that stifled the economy.
One bishop called Kenya an “Orwellian dystopian authoritarian” state, where dissent was met “with intimidation, kidnapping or even murder.”
This was a pointed reference to the 60 people who died and the 1,300 others arrested during the anti-tax demonstrations. Another 74 people have been abducted and 26 reported missing in the past five months, according to Kenya’s National Commission on Human Rights.
Kenya has about 10 million Catholics – about 20% of the population
The bishops’ provocative statement was followed by that of the Church rejecting a $40,000 (£32,000) donation Ruto made when he visited Soweto Catholic Church in Nairobi last Sunday – with the Archbishop of Nairobi citing “ethical concerns and the need to protect the Church from abuse for political purposes”.
Many Christians in Kenya are Catholic; according to government statistics, this is about 10 million people, or 20% of the population.
Other Christians belong to a variety of evangelical churches and other denominations, including the Anglican Church of Kenya and the Presbyterian Church.
And the Catholic Church in Kenya’s influence extends beyond its congregations, thanks to its broad investments in education, health care and other social programs.
The country is also angry over the chaotic transition to a new social health insurance system, with the government owing millions of dollars to faith-based hospitals.
The bishops’ outspoken assessment of the state of the country has reminded Kenyans of the role church leaders played in pushing for a return to multiparty democracy in the 1990s.
Brave clerics like Ndingi Mwana a’Nzeki of the Catholic Church, Alexander Muge, Henry Okullu and David Gitari of the Anglican Church and Timothy Njoya of the Presbyterian Church fearlessly challenged the repressive and one-party system of then President Daniel arap Moi.
But analysts say that under Moi’s successors – Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta, both Catholics – the clerics lost their voice.
“Things got even worse under President William Ruto as key elements of the church were seemingly co-opted into the feeding trough,” veteran journalist and columnist Macharia Gaitho wrote this week in the Kenyan newspaper Daily Nation, suggesting that “churches were being bribed to silence” .
The Catholic bishops’ position has drawn support from other denominations and from Muslim clerics – despite the widespread faith-based support that Ruto previously enjoyed for his hardline stance on gay rights and his conservative views on abortion.
A joint statement by some Pentecostal and evangelical leaders praised the bishops for their courage and also for “doing the unthinkable” by rejecting Ruto’s money.
Archbishop Jackson Ole Sapit, head of the Anglican Church of Kenya, who led national prayers on the day Ruto was declared the winner of the presidential race, joined Catholic bishops in condemning what he described as “escalating misgovernance, impunity and widespread rights abuses “.
“Under the circumstances, we should not simply fold our hands and pray for miracles,” Ole Sapit said, adding that the Catholic bishops reflected the sentiments of many Kenyans.
Baptist cleric Daniel Wambua added that religious leaders were now determined to end the “transactional relationship” with the state.
Meanwhile, Sheikh Abubakar Bini, chairman of the North Rift Council of Imams and Preachers of Islam, urged the government to view the bishops’ comments as advice rather than criticism.
Initially, Ruto and his allies hit back, with one of them accusing the bishops of spreading ‘misinformation’.
But analysts say Ruto, who regularly uses the scriptures to respond to critics, should be wary of direct confrontation with churches as even smaller churches can have thousands of followers that could negatively impact his re-election bid.
The president is already facing rebellion in parts of his political strongholds in 2022 after the 2022 elections impeachment of former Vice President Rigathi Gachagua last month.
They fell out over the handling of the anti-tax demonstrations, which have rocked Ruto’s government to its core.
A close ally of the president, MP Oscar Sudi, has gone to X to eat a simple cake, apologizing to the Catholic bishops on behalf of the government.
Ruto himself appears to have since softened his response to the growing criticism, saying he has heard the clerics and is ready to move on.
Young people attending a service here for those killed in protests have been particularly critical of the close relationship between politicians and churches.
“We have made undeniable progress in our country. However, much remains to be done. We must continue to work together to accelerate fulfillment of our commitments and transform Kenya,” he tweeted on Thursday.
What Kenya’s first evangelical Christian president must accept is that the churches he used so successfully to win the state house could well help oust him at the next election.
“He knows he can’t fight the church,” Mr Gaitho said.
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